Newspapers / The Greensboro Patriot (Greensboro, … / Oct. 5, 1855, edition 1 / Page 1
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,;.j;V . s,.v,y,iV 1 " - 1 v 1 M V..' ! j " " - if li&fe 'ffYfiVii fr . VYsr ?xy -:r:- -Si VOL. 1, JAMES A. LOXC, Editor. , O ." ' . PUBLISHED WEEKLY BT . , , t " JAMES B.SHELT OK. Terms : a year, in advance 5 2 50 after six months, and 3.00 after twelve months, from date of subscription. Uate of Advertising. One dollar per s1uare (furteen lines) for the first week and twenty-five cent for every week there-. Titer Deductions made in favor ot standing ad- rerti.ments as follows 3 MONTHS. One square, 1.50 Two squares, 7." Three " (J col.) 10.00 Half column. 18.00 f JIOMTUS. $5.50 10.OO 15.00 25.00 1 YEAH. $8.00 -11.00 20.00 35.00 Occasional renewals without aadiuonai cnar-e granted to those who advertise regujarly through the year- v Three dollars for announcing candidates for of fice. . i Court order charged 25 per cent higher than the above rates. Ordrs for divorce ol husband and wife, $10 each. Persons sending advertisements are requested to state the number of insertions required, or they w ill be inserted until forbid ; and if it is wished they should occupy the least space possible, write upon the back " close' Otherwise they will be put up in the usual style and charged accordingly. E?No discount on these rates. At a regular meeting of the National Coun cil of the American Party, begun and held at Philadelphia, on the 5th of June, A. J). 1855, the following was adopted as the Platform and Principles of the Organiza tion : I. The acknowledgment of that Al mighty lieing who rules over the Universe, wko presides over the councils of nations, who conducts the affairs of men, and who, in everv step by which we have advanced to the character of an independent nation, has distinguished us by some token of pro vidential agency.. II. The cultivation and development of u sentiment of profoundly intense Ameri can feeling ; of passionate attachment to our country, its history and its institutions; of admiration for the purer days of our na tional existence; of veneration for the hero ism that precipitated our Revolution ; and of emulation of the virtue, wisdom and pat riotism that framed our constitution, and first successfully applied its provisions III. The maintenance of the Union of these United States as the paramount po- litical good ; or, to use the ianguarge of Washington, 44 the primary object ot pat riotic desire." , 1st. Opposition to all attempts to wcak vn or subvert it. 2d. UncotnproinisiuffantaffOTiisni to everv principle of policy that endangers it. j 3d. 1 he advocacy of an equitable ad- ! jwsiiiieni 01 :ui poiiiicni iiiiierences w iiicu j x r ii 1:.: ,. .1 i:iy .1. threaten its integrity or perpetuity. lib. The suppression of all tendencies to. political division, founded on 44 geo graphical discriminations, or on the belief tha't there is a real difference of interests and views" between the various sections of the Union. 5th. The full recognition of the rights of tC several'Statcs, as expressed and reserv ed in the Constitution; r,nd a careful avoid ance, by the Ceneral (iovernment, of all interference with their rights, by legislative or executive action. IV.- Obedience to the Constitution of these United States, as the supreme law of the land, sacredly obligatory upon all its parts and members; and steadfast resistance to the spirit of innovation upon its princi ples, however specious the, pretexts. A vowing that in all doubtful or disputed points it may only be legally ascertained and ex pounded by the judicial'power of the Unit ed States. And, as a corollory to the above ; 1. A habit of reverential obediece to the laws, whether National, or Municipal, un til they are either repealed or declared. un constitutional by the proper authority. 2. A tender and sacred regard for those acts of statesmanship which are to be con tradistinguished from acts of ordinary leg islation, by the fact of their being of the nature of compacts and agreements ; and so, to be considered a fixed and settled na tional policy. - A radical revision and modification of the laws regulating immigration, and the ' settlement of immigrants. Offering to the ' honest immigrant who, from love of liberty or hatred of oppression, tseeks an .assylum in the United States, a friendly reception and "protection. Hut unqualifiedly condemn ing the transmission to our shores of felons and paupers. VI.--The essential modification of the Naturalization Laws, The repeal by the Legislatures of the re Apenve -States, of 'all State laws allowing jioreigriers not naturalized -to vote. The repeal, without retroactive operation, vf all acts of Congress making grants of Cand to unnaturalized foreigners,' and allow ing them to vote . in the Territories.' VII. Hostility to the corrupt means by which the leaders of party have hitherto forced upon us' our rulers and our political creeds. Implacable enmity against, the prevalent demoralizing system of rewards for political subserviericy, and of punish njeiiiU for pot litical independence. Disgust for the wild hunt after office which characterizes the age. - These on the one hand. On the other : Imitation of the practice of the purer days of the Republic; and" admiration ; of the maxim that "office should seek the' man, ad not man the office. and of the rule, "tat the just mode of ascertaining- fitness for office is the capability, the faithfulness, the honesty of the incumbent or can didate. rt,. 1 i "VIII. Resistance to the aggressive, poli cy arid corrupting tendencies of the Roman Catholic Churph-iri bur country, by "the ad vancement to all political stations-xeeu-tive, legislative; judicial," or diplorriatic- of those onlywha do not hold civil allegiance, directly or indirectly, to any foreign power, whether civil or ecclesiastical, and who. are Americans hy birth, education 'and traininr ing thus fulfilling the maxim: "Americuxs ONLY SHALL GOVERN AMERICA." , ; , , ' The protection of all citizens in the legal and proper exercise of their civil and relig ious rights and privileges; the maintenance of the right of every man to Ihe full, unre strained, and peaceful enjoyment of his own religious opinions and worsliip,and a jealous resistance of all attempts by any sect, de nomination or church, to obtain an ascen dency over any other in the State, by means of any special privileges or exemption, by any political combination of its members, or by a division of their civil allegiance with any foreign power, potentate, or ecclesias tic. IX. The reformation of the character of our National Legislature, by elevating to that dignified and responsible position men of higher qualifications, purer morals, and more unselfish patriotism. X. The restriction of executive patron age, especially in the matter of appoint ments to office, so far as it may be permit ted by the Constitution, and consistent with the public good. XI. The education of the youth of our country in schools provided by the State ; which schools shall be common to all, with out distinction of creed or party, and free from any influence or direction of a denom inational or partizan character. 2nd, inasmuch as Christianity, by the Constitutions of nearly all the States ; by the decisions of the most eminent judicial authorities ; and by the consent of the peo ple of America, is considered an element of our political system; and, as the Holy Bible is at once the source of Christianity, and the depository and fountain of all civil and religious freedom, we oppose every atteinpt to exclude it from the schools thus established in the States. XII. The American party, having a riseu upon the ruins and in despite of the opposition of the "Whig and Democratic parties, cannot be in any manner responsi ble foAhe obnoxious acts of violated pledges of either. And the systematic agitation of j tlic slavery question by those parties, hav ing elevated sectional hostility into a posi tive element of political power, and brought our institution into peril, it has, therefore, become the imperative duty of the Ameri can party to interpose for the purpose of giving peace to the country and perpetuity to the Union. And, as experience has shown it impossible to reconcile opinions so extreme as those which separate the disputants; and, as there can be no dis honor in submitting to the law, the Nation- ai council lias deemed it tne v - - -11 1 1 . . 1 1 oest sua ran- tee of common justice and of future peace, to abide,. by and maintain the existing laws upon the subject of slavery, as a fiifal and conclusive settlement of that subject in spirit and in substance. And regarding it the highest duty to avow their opinions, upon a subject so important, in distinct and unequivocal terms, it is here by declared, as the sense of this National Council, that Congress possesses no power, unde the Constitution, to legislat9 upon the subject of slavery in the Suites-, where it does or may exist, or to exclude any State from admission into the Union because its constitution does or does not recognise the institution of slavery as a part of its social system ; and expressly pretermittting any expression of opinion upon the power in Congress to establish or prohibit slavery in uny Territory, it is the sense of the Nation al Council that Congress ought not to leg islate upon the subject of slavery within the Territories of the United States, and that any interference by Congress with slavery as it exists in the District of Col umbia, would be a violation ol the spirit and intention of the compact by which the State of f Maryland ceded the District to the j United States, ami a breach ol the national: object -that which is elemental and prima faith.' ry and to which all others are considered XIII. The policy of the Governmen of) as ciliary, or anticipated as .results ; as.U is the United States, in its relations with ! expressed in their own lauguage, is foreign governments, is lo exact justice from ! TIIAT AMERICANS SHALL GOV the strongest, and do justice to the weak , ERN AMERICA..! that is, that the peo etst i ' restraining, by all the power of thq ,' ple of the country thOse to whom it be governnient, all its citizens from interfer-.' longs shall govern the country. This ence with the internal concerns of nations j would seem to be a simple, undeniable, and with whom we are at peace. j acceptable proposition, recognized by eve- XIV. This National Council declares j rv civilized community, and maintained that all the principles of the Order shall be henceforward everywhere openly avowed ; and that each member shall be at liberty to make known the existence of the Order, and the fact that he himself is a member, and it recommends that there be no con ccelmenj of the places of meeting of sub ordinate councils. E. H. BARTLETT, of Kentucky, President of National Council. C. D. Desiiler, of New Jesury, Corresponding Secretay. ? James M. Stephens, of Maryland, Recording Secretary. Irish Moderation. An Irishman left a demand with a lawyer, a friend : of ours, for collection, with direction to have a letter sent before any suit -was commenced. "What shall I write about it?" asked the lawyer. To which -Pat - ' - . w replied, "why your honor will plaze be- J gin tx iiiiic uiuucmic 111 iiic luattciy'jck i calling -him 'a devil of a spalpeen ami nigligent puppyr- and so commingl pn sharrier till ve reach to the bottom of 4 1 a. i ?v . '-.";"! . 7" : - Aspiration f op a HnsBAND.-i0h.fiiat . - . - - the fashions wQuld last as long - as the fc bonnets. . ' r I LEXINGTON; NORTH CABOLINAy FRIDAY: OCTOBER Letter firom Hon. John II. Berrien. ury cdminunicatioris from infUvidnnla. nA Ff Pm . Committees .of? CitizensV inviting me tri ol tend 'nn Kit a oV.Ui;ir f L 1 r '- questions which have been, and which continue to :ibe agitated during the present canyasa-or Jf tltt. could not be done,' requesting me lo "express my opinions on the subjectswhicKlexbite the public mind, in a form which might rbe. rrirrn A Va 1 . T T - : 1 ... , in. . compiyipg, wUu this ;alteniative request, since the first is impracticable, I hope I shalf roi beacon side red presumptuous, n "While I am desi rous of avoiding intrusion, I am unwilling to shrink from the performance of a fluty, arid, having passed a great portion of. my life in the service of the State, I do not feel at liberty-to withhold my opinion 'on 'any5 question of public interest, .concerning which my fellow-citizen may 'desire the expression' of it. ' " J . u" j ? This is my real feeling ; that ' which in duces this address. I do !iibt "assume to guide public opinion, but simply to express my own, 'at the call of those who have a right to "ask it. Yet, in doing so, . I. must speak plainly, anil must riecesarily coriie iri conflict with some of the opposing opinions, which .have been urged with so much vehe mence during the present canvass. ..If, this shall subject me to the vituperation which lias been so lavishly indulged, 1 will rely on the intelligence and honorable feeling of my countrymen to spare me the humiliation of replying to such assaults. As an appropriate introduction to the re marks which I propose to submit to your consideration, it becomes necessary to ad vert for a moment to the condition of parties in our State. , The ancient issues. which di vide the Whig and Dcriiocratic parties have either ceased to, exiSt,""or have been for the t ime layed aside. A party has arisen, which, drawing its support fro m,the ranks of both of its predecessors, presents new and im portant questions to public consideration. The Whig party, although not deadf as has been vainly supposed,' abstains, as a party, from entering into the contest. As a conservative-body; "it nevertheless exists and must continue to do so as loiig as a genuine spirit of conservatism is cherished by the people of Georgia. From the,, Union party, which was the offspring of an occasion , as well as from the Democratic party, large draughts have been made by this new ad venturer in the political fields The majori? ty of the Democratic party, however, re mains intact, and is strengthened by some (in point of niimbcr) inconsiderable acces sion from the ranks of its. opponents and, perhaps, yet more, by the fact, that the greamajority oi mem nave imiimo . w f .t i r,i . . i aloof from the contending parties. The Democratic party, even thus mutila ted, advances boldly to the conflict, waging uncompromising hostility against . this as pirant to political power.- The! present con test is therefore waged between the unbrok en reminant of the ancient Democracy, strenthened as I have before intirnated; and an association of individuals, or orders, who have assumed to themselves the name of the AMERICAN PARTY !. In the man euvering preparatory to the actual conflict, the Democratic party, with its' usual tack, has secured a position to windward, by which it has the privilege of becoming the assailant, and of selecting its point of .at tack, while its opponents, organized for the purpose of" correcting abuses, have found themselves unexpectedly put on the defen sive. ; VI In this state of the controversy, the. ques tions we arc to consider relate. 1. To the object contemplated by the American Party. 2. To the means proposed forjts accom plishment. n - We are first, then, to examine the object of this party to ascertain its character, and to determine its tendency to promote or conflict with the publicgood. Its first great even among the tribes of the forest and so it would be received here, and now? among us, if it could be viewed simply, and on its own merits, apart from those extraneous considerations with which .it has been con nected, and complicated, and by which it is influenced. It is inconceivable that any considerable number of American citizens, whether natives, or . those who have been" heretofore! naturalized, could be willing-to surrender, the :governmenf of their, country to foreigners and that description of for eigners, who are annually, and in such im mense numbers, migrating .to our shores. The naked proposition, simply presented at the domestic firesides of ourcitizeris, wOuld naraiy onu an auvocaie. -uuui is uwfc uwu- sidered shnply.- and on its own merits, The asnirations of individuals,' and the l ne aspirations oi maiviauais, , ana me m hardiv find an advocate. sBut it is not con terests of nartv." combine 'to forbid it. A - & j "i great party wielding the power of the gov ernment, has, attained, land maintains,: its powery the aid of a vote, rwjhich ;isub g3ntially foreign, althouglk the; voters : may have Dassed through the'fonns.of a j hurried naturalization. It is natural thatth'ey shonH be unwillinff to concur in any measure which n-. I .1. . ,1 ; 4liain rf til id nrwirar rlrlVfl . A?- jf:iti a ipnnpnrv in iiiiiiiuiau iiicii uicscui ji wo - pectivc meausjof securing and increasing it. They are, therefore, undethe-pTOh1ptings of interest, the advocates 'of the; oreigner, j Rocktnoham, 4trr Sept., 1855. People-of Georgia: J j eupwruuizens have received sun-r ZeaiGUS tft inaintnm nrt -illiniT tn a-ra.nA. I " to .t . . .. i r l - " "JT rv " .? f "v,.4 jwuiwavc i i!;ii tae quantum, oi his privilege, of participating in ilje'gpvernT tauperism and ;Tice that existed among mcntof the wnntryf-And thcn,:",agajn,-ilji j T.bti, ;.V4W- the proportiori of a population aspirants to ; political TainencethosoJiri j seven 'timesgreater m'numbcr? than yobr "z. . "?u"i' pui"pa in xne estate or Union, who woul win the1 support f-this eatpartji must rshijv at the altars winch they have consecrated, and be eloquentf,in therassertibn of the rights of theforfeiff 3 if he Jiad any rights ; herei-untiLAve had iier i ' i. IT conferred them. , Call to f vour." recollectinnf nr " ,fWe"; ,wi conscience inecsca, in no very great lengtn ot time, Ti?l l0111111?11! have been1 j will place the Constitution and the '.ihstitn drtvTtffduT.fconntry as "the as?ylurn of the tions of the South' at the mercy fof faiiati-9ppres&ed-jvthe bold assertion of the fitness' cis m . : . - i ; s Of theforeign immigrant to share our :most? And how are these calamities to be avert extensive privileges; in the same extent in ed, if this horde of foreiorners,' rapidly in which yourselves enjoy them, and then con- siuer.irom witom oepiamation comes say if.it proceeds from'' 'disinterested advo cates of the corhmoni interest, or the bold and selfish aslserters1 of theirBown! . .o 'Toi accomplish the object expressed in their primal elementaryj maxim, that Amer icans shall govern , America, the American party proposes. 1, Substantial modifications . of the acts regulating nturalizatio fr ' ; Ijnuer me existing laws, live years resi- 1 these; -usi; .,-:, ! T dence in th,e country,' and a compliance You are told that you'numbers so large with the forms prescribed Ijy them, entitle i ly exceed that: of the foreign papulation a ioreigner ro citizensnip, and to all the pn- vileges you enjoyj with two or three excen tions, to which it is not necessary tS refer. The American party desire to enlarge this term to provide for more accurate secu - ruy on uie claims oi persons applying lor naturalization and against the immigration of paupers and felons into the United States. In my judgment, those measures would be eminently conducive to the public wel fare. This is with me no new opinion and it is not now for the first time express ed. Several years agof the subject engaged the attention of Congress. - As Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, I made a report to the Senate contemplating a full and final report at the then next sepsipn on the return of certain cominissions, to as.cttainithe. va rious , frauds which w ere alleged id exist in the grant and subsequent use of naturaliza tion papers. Before that time, changes in Senate . resulted in placlng a 'DemocratTG Senator at the head of (tie Cdramittee, arid the matter was abandoned. - I do not think it necessary -to 1 enter : into an elaborate argumwt to,prore,! that the in di&erimlnate admission of foreigners,- after a residence of five years, to the privJTeges of citizenship, is an evil. We are making r we have tnusr far successfully made an ex perimeritof self-government., Our; free in stitutions, which have hitherto been found j.i t - e- . . efficient for-national advancement, and for iiifli virliiat 5frn-rif v linv liion trifloVif nA frr . . , - - itheir sunnort, to the lovaltv of our neon.o rather than to. their own compulsive powers. The founders of the Republic were men ' J . J I 'I a i -t qualified for their office united in rever ence for the laws -m resistance to oppres sion in devotion to the principles of civil liberty and the spirit- which animated; them was infused into the institutions which they established. It was only such fncnt who could have founded such a Government. Men animated by a similar spirit cam alone preserve it. Let the abortive attempts in revolutionary France to establish and main tain free institutions attest the truth of this assertion. Now I propound this inquiry Are the I We have a population sufficiently numer foreigners who are being, and especially at j ous for every present purpose, and without the approach of our election, so rapidly, in- the aid of immigration we are increasing corporated among us, likely to be animated in numbers as rapidly as we could desire, by this salutary spirit fitted to be thaguarj Notwithstanding this, there is a continual dians of bur free institutions ? I would be j outpouring upon us of the restless arid un sorry to deny that among these emigrants, j quiet spirits of Europe, its criminals and there are some worthy men. who, when, fa- j paupers. Not mingling with us, as when, miliarized to our institutions by long resi- ! their numbers were small, they are now dence among us may become good citizens, j sufficiently numerous to herd together to and capable of participating Un our privile-J live apart from us to constitue distinct for ges, but no. candid man will, deny that a j eign societies in the midst of native popu larae oortion are of a very different charac- lation. In the bitterness of our party cen ter? consisting for the most part of Red R publicans, or anarchists, criminals, andpau- persJ-or will venture, when dismounted' from the stump, calmly to assert; that five years residence here will qualify- an ignb rant foreigner thoroughly to understand our institutions; and loyally to conform to them.' Tkon lot it Hft rpmembered that each one of theie. who is admitted to the exercise of: the elective franchise, without being thus qualified, and who is consequently liable to be led astray by the artifice of the demago gue, or coerced by the threateneil anathema of his priest, annuls the vote of one citizen may in fact, expunge your vote, or mine. Then consider the number and character of the people,' who are annually cast upon our oliima T An tint mean to trouble VOU with " ' " j iramioTationrwhich, up to the year eighteen hundred,?did not exceed five thousand per- sons, has risen since eighteen hundred-and fifty, to half a million, and which, looKing to the state of Europe, jvill probably, and in n i'a.-rtr sKhrf tiiri ' mount tin tti a m illion a .. - -r year.- Now give free scope to yourbenevo- iri-jlent feelings exercise .the most extended g , rl,M -.number statistics. I dare say the records have been j searching revision; tnat tneterm or prooa ransacked by the opposing candidates for tion should be largely extended, that , to your favor, and that the results are familiar j protect -us from the intrusion of paupers to you. I take from the papers of the day j and criminals, provisions ought to be made, those "to which I refer uncontradicted j for the ascertainment by our consuls . a statements. j broad of the character and condition " of Bear in mind, tfien, the fact that a foreign persons proposing to emigrate to the Um- of these whtt-are worthy men capable by ! pose such a pledge, either expressed, or im a. proper probationary term of being fjcTer-j plied, is the tie which connects the mem ed good citizensand a fearfuliresidanmr ; bem or every party. As to their organiza- wilL remain- and wnat a mass ok poisonous rnn;rn nannpn nd criminals ex- ped that of the native nauDers and crimnals, 1tbmirhribA;miW -nonulahon yvas,fi r . ...... . - -v r i times greater than tKefoteignAVhat would be your feeling, if porerty and nroe exist- ed in this proportion-and to tnis extent a- o, 1855. own, 'wnat security vvonl -ou havfor your free institution ?' what 'guarantee for you individual rights -fuii A i i -i .tsaoB y Considerialso, that thesaeroigTants;shViri4 nintl.ie. South,- from their run willingness tt compete with slave, laborand ? flocking, td the Northjffrom their-abolition tendencies : creasing, is to be added to 'your society Ja The plagues of Fgypt were. .naoreies, ..'since tney were guiuea oy? JLivine oeneyoience, and stayed by His omnipotence, when the i dejiyerance of his chosen people was effect- eu. i3ui wno siaji stay mis -mortal pesti lence, if you are insensible to' your danger? If persevered in,' in what can it eventuate but the rum of-the Republic? Can the no ble svstem of Vonprnmerit 'estabTished bv j ouHathers,be administered1 by 'men like I that all anprehension of danger is idle. I do not mean to give offence to any mari? but ! to speak in the sincerity of my hears, when . I say that such an argument .--seems- to me ! estimate very humbly the 'understandings i . - . of those to whom it is addressed. In the o- pen, manly defence of your rights and lib ertiesof that ; glorious constitution be queathed to you by your fathers nof- your homesteads nd your household" ir the defence of these against open end manly assault you are competent to resist not on ly the foreigners among us, but the world in arms. God forbid that one American bosom should palpitate with -craven fear in view of such a conflict! But this is not the danger which menace?. Every man un worthy of citizenship, who is admitted to its privileges, is an enemy in your camp a.moral leporV spreading contagion far and wide. The morals of that cmmuriity" are corrupted its heart is tainted by such ' As sociation; for, however stained with crime the stamp of citizens: makes ( them politif cally one of themselves. , .Can you bear the amalgamation L.-?.:. ?:'.r?fA;..; . And why should you bear it I Foreign ers .aided lis in our revolutionary struggle. Aye.Arid they have received their reward They became incorporated among us, or have voluntarily' gone elsewhere in quest of new auventure. uui we invnea immigra tion. . Ave, at the lose of the revolutiona-ry-war, when amid its toils and privations ! we had achieved our ..independence: we mt I ' i . i t i .i i . i had a sparse and exhausted population, and an extensive and uncultivated domain. We required an increase of population, for the purposes of internal improvement and ex ternal defence, and, conforming to this poli cy, our system of naturalization was estab-? lished. ? Europe was then calm, at least free from the menace of intestine commo tion. Prty spirit among ourselves was comparatively quiescent. ' We invited for eigners, and we received them. They came to us in small numbers, mingled with our people, and peacefully pursued the avoca tions of- industry. All this is changed. has been eagerly, ; an:l otten ny unwonny means, sougnw aiicr j and obtained alternately by both parties ; and acting as a Unit, the boast of Kossuth j has been realized it holds the ballance j and may decide our elections, j This is a state of things not to be borne" by American freemen. This foreign incur- sion roust be regulated, or checked, and the American party has its origin in the con viction of the necessity. The very gener al existance of this conviction has secured them a support beyond the limits of their association. I concur with them in the be lief that the laws regulating immigration and the naturalization laws regulating im- migration and the naturalization of foreign- ! ers ought to be subjected to a thorough and . . ' ' . . . .1 i 1 j ted States, ana tnat every saieguaru, wiucu j the wisdom of congress can devise, should be thrown around the amendatory statute to prevent and punish its invasion. . 2. As a further means, of attaining their object, the individuals composing the Amer- . - Lr unA fl1Dmcolr.a Uv mntn- icsn party. hhhVoh. al pledges, each to the other, to unite their ' exertions--for-its accomplishment. I sup- i tion uieir rnuai-u.ur Ff uvuu.,mu tneir proceeui occasion for so. much eloquent antl lhgeni- ; ous declamation and denunciation I am i .. .. . not reqmre4 to express anqp it is unoerstooa, nave tneir mauonu wwnwii -; .,- no. - ii. required for admission into the order is thj approval of their. principles. ; One of the : c, tliat. which announces : their determinatio:i not;to Tote for,? nor appoint Romasists ij oflieehasbeen.thc subjects of much rc pre hension j-and. has been assailed as. a - vic1-;-tjon ofliherty of conscieuce, which 1 beeugecireu byi;the;i Constitution. Tl 3 provisions off -that, instrumcr.t, which arc supposed to be violated, are. contained in the concluding clause of the, third -s 'tien ofhe;6th articlej-and. jn the first cIj . ? cf tho jirst.artic.le .of. arnendmcnts. r The after providing .jforj adminstrating ari o:...i t-. different public functionaries, .contains !e following provision: ' .,. v- ; r, ; "But no religious test shall, be required as a qualifacation for any i office of public trust under the United States, .- . -; The second declares ; ; "That.Congress shall make no law res pecting ans establishment of 7 religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." By what process.of reasoning these pro visions of the Constitution can be made to conflict with.therightbP the citizen to tha unlimited exercise of his own free and un controlled t will,- insthe eujoyment -of his e lective franchise, l am utterly at - a loss to discover and I haveisought.it in -vain r.r such arguments of the objectors as I -have - had nil opportunity of perusing. -iThe first clause relates to persons elected .to e 'lee, and requires that tliey shall have the catU of oflice administered to-them, without hi ing subjected to ; any religious - test. And the. whole scope and effect, of the act. ill does; not, .even remotely, interfere uwith th3 right of 'an: individual to exercised his own judgment, and in determining' whether the religion of the- candidate ought or: ought not to influence him in easting his vote for or against him. This seems too plain for argument. If a voter believes the religion of a candidate to be unsound and. danger ous, to an'extentAvhich would (induce dis trust in the ordinary transactions of life, it is not only hbi right, but his duty to with hold his confidence and his vote. No pro vision of the. Constitution forbids it, and du ty to .the country requires it. - It .would be wrong in the Government, to make this testjibeeause it is an exercise of discretion which the - people . have not, intrusted to them, but Jiave preserved " to themselves. Thus,tliat; ? which i-woul4 be ;wrong in the Government, is the right and duty,. of the cit izqn . ;liow far this may f apply to .Roman ists, is a maAtetofoxercise-for tliendivl lu-r al judgment, and for that alone. , J; v. ould not , feel that i naUy American;, Roriiinists, trained in thehnfcciples of civil liberty, cf reverence for the Constitution and laws', an3.. devoted: to. the Union, would come within its scope. , For the rest, to show that the view of the American party is sustained l y a man of large inteligence, and Of undoubt ed, piety, I subjoin the .letter of Mr. Wesley remarking only, that the attempt to i -strict .his opinions to the particularity to cf affairs existing at the time "when the lei I r was written, is simply futile, since it is pes fectly obvious that they are of enduring ap plicability, atleast until Romanists shall a bandon those precepts if their religion, to. which Mr. Wesley refers ;-r-; ' . m LETTER. OE JOHN WESLEY, . IR ;-Some time ago a pamphlet was sent tome, entitled ' , An Appeal from the Protestant Association to the People cf GreaVBritiaii." A day or two since a kind of answer to this, was put in my handf which pronounces its style coritemptable, its reas oning futile, and its object malicious. On the contrary, the style of it is clear, easy and natural ; the reasoning, in general, strong and conclusive ; the objector design, name ly, to preserve our happy constitution, I shall ' endeavor lo confirm the substance of that tract, by a few. plain arguments, r : . With pefsecntion I have nothing to do -I persecute no man for his- religious princi ples, t Let there be as boundless freedom in religion as any mart can" : conceive; But this does not touch the point. I will set religion, true or false, out of the question. Suppose the Bible, if you please,4o.be a fa ble, and the Koran to be the word of God1 I coiisider not whether the Romish re ligion be true or' false ; build .nothing on one or the other supposition. Therefore away with all your common plaee declama tion about intolerance and persecution for religion! Suppose every word of. Pius "creed to be true L Suppose the council cf Trent to ber infallible; 'yet I insist upon it that no government, not Romon Cathchc, ought to tolerate men of the Catholic persu asion. : ' . ''"--"- - " I prove this. by a plain argument, (let him answer 'Hi that can) that no Roman Catholic does or. can give security for his allegiance or peaceable behavior. I prove it thus: It is a Roman Catholic max im, established not by private men, but by public Council, that No faith is to be kept with heretics.tr" This has been openly. a vowed b the .Council of Constance ; but it has never been openly disclaimed. Theth er private persons avow or disavow it, it is a fixed maxim of the Church cf Rome. - But as long; as Uis so, nothing can be more plain", than thfe members of that Churchan'give no reasonable security to any government 1 for trfeir alegiancc nnd peaceable behaviorv Therefore they ought not to be tolerated h by. any government, Protestant,: Mehameuah or Pagan. You say, nay, but they take am oath of alegiance. True, five hundred oaths ';, but the maxirn, 'no faith among the heresy' sweeps them all away, as a spiders web So that still no governors that are not Roman Catholics, can have no security of their alegiance; Again, those who acknowledge the cplr" itnal power of the Pope cangive no. securi ty of their alegiance t to an yfj government; but "all Roman Catholics' ackno wledge this ; therefore;' they can give no security of their allegiance. .The power of granting pardons for all sins, past, present and to come, ist r . - '
The Greensboro Patriot (Greensboro, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Oct. 5, 1855, edition 1
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